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the general population

  • 1 health risks of the general population

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > health risks of the general population

  • 2 population

    noun (the people living in a particular country, area etc: the population of London is 8 million; a rapid increase in population.) población
    population n habitantes / población
    do you know the population of China? ¿sabes cuántos habitantes tiene China?
    tr[pɒpjʊ'leɪʃən]
    1 población nombre femenino
    what is the population of Scotland? ¿cuántos habitantes tiene Escocia?
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    population explosion explosión nombre femenino demográfica
    population [.pɑpjə'leɪʃən] n
    : población f
    n.
    número de habitantes s.m.
    población s.f.
    vecindario s.m.
    'pɑːpjə'leɪʃən, ˌpɒpjʊ'leɪʃən
    1) c
    a) ( number) población f

    what is the population of Thailand? — ¿cuántos habitantes or qué población tiene Tailandia?; (before n)

    population explosionexplosión f demográfica

    population growthcrecimiento m demográfico

    b) ( individuals) (+ sing o pl vb) población f
    2) u ( settling) población f
    [ˌpɒpjʊ'leɪʃǝn]
    1. N
    1) (=inhabitants) población f

    what is the population of Mexico? — ¿qué población tiene México?, ¿cuántos habitantes hay en México?

    they go to the cinema more often than the general population — van al cine con más frecuencia que la población en general

    75% of the male population — el 75% de la población masculina

    the student population — la población estudiantil

    prison 2.
    2) (=settling) población f
    2.
    CPD

    population centre Nnúcleo m or centro m de población

    population control Ncontrol m demográfico

    population density Ndensidad f de población

    population explosion Nexplosión f demográfica

    population growth Ncrecimiento m demográfico

    * * *
    ['pɑːpjə'leɪʃən, ˌpɒpjʊ'leɪʃən]
    1) c
    a) ( number) población f

    what is the population of Thailand? — ¿cuántos habitantes or qué población tiene Tailandia?; (before n)

    population explosionexplosión f demográfica

    population growthcrecimiento m demográfico

    b) ( individuals) (+ sing o pl vb) población f
    2) u ( settling) población f

    English-spanish dictionary > population

  • 3 population

    сущ.
    1) общ. население, народонаселение (совокупность жителей какой-л. территории, напр., города, страны, континента и т. д.; также численность такой совокупности)

    female population — женское население, численность женщин

    male population — мужское население, численность мужчин

    Syn:
    See:
    2) общ. заселение, расселение, население ( процесс занятия и освоения территории для проживания)
    3) биол. популяция (совокупность одного вида животных или растений, длительно существующих на небольшой территории)
    See:
    4) общ. совокупность (группа лиц, находящихся на определенной территории или имеющих определенный общий признак; численность такой группы)
    See:
    5) стат. генеральная совокупность (совокупность всех единиц наблюдения, напр. людей, предметов или событий, представляющих изучаемое явление; при большой генеральной совокупности производится выборка из общей совокупности, выводы по которой распространяются с определенной вероятностью на всю генеральную совокупность)
    Syn:
    universe 1), entire assembly, general population, aggregate error
    See:
    sample 1. 2)
    6) с.-х. поголовье ( скота)

    poultry population — поголовье [численность\] птиц

    * * *
    Генеральная совокупность; население
    . . Словарь экономических терминов .

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > population

  • 4 general

    Англо-русский технический словарь > general

  • 5 general census of the population

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > general census of the population

  • 6 ongoing dollar demand with the banks having to repay their loans and general demand from the population

    Общая лексика: сохраняющийся спрос на д (контекстуальный перевод; англ. оборот взят из новостного сообщения агентства Bloomberg)

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > ongoing dollar demand with the banks having to repay their loans and general demand from the population

  • 7 Creativity

       Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)
       Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)
       There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)
       he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)
       he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)
       From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)
       Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)
       The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)
       In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)
       he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)
        11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with Disorder
       Even to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)
       New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)
       [P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....
       Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)
       A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....
       Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Creativity

  • 8 PIDE

    (Political Police)
       Commonly known as the PIDE, the Estado Novo's political police was established in 1932. The acronym of PIDE stood for Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado or International and State Defense State Police, the name it was known by from 1945 to 1969. From 1932 to 1945, it was known by a different acronym: PVDE or Polícia da Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado. After Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar was replaced in office by Marcello Caetano, the political police was renamed DGS, Direcção-Geral da Seguridade or Directorate General of Security.
       This force was the most infamous means of repression and a major source of fear among the opposition during the long history of the Estado Novo. While it was described as "secret police," nearly everyone knew of its existence, although its methods — in theory—were "secret." The PVDE/PIDE/DGS had functions much broader than purely the repression of any opposition to the regime. It combined the roles of a border police, customs inspectorate, immigration force, political police, and a regime vetting administration of credentials for government or even private sector jobs. Furthermore, this police had powers of arrest, pursued nonpolitical criminals, and administered its own prison system. From the 1950s on, the PIDE extended its operations to the empire and began to directly suppress oppositionists in various colonies in Africa and Asia.
       While this police became more notorious and known to the public after 1958-61, before that new outburst of antiregime activity, it was perhaps more effective in neutralizing or destroying oppositionist groups. It was especially effective in damaging the Communist Party of Portugal (PCP) in the 1930s and early 1940s. Yet, beginning with the unprecedented strikes and political activities of 194345, the real heyday had passed. During World War II, its top echelons were in the pay of both the Allies and Axis powers, although in later propaganda from the left, the PIDE's pro-Axis reputation was carefully groomed into a myth.
       As for its actual strength and resources, it seems clear that it employed several thousand officers and also had thousands of informants in the general population. Under new laws of 1945, this police force received the further power to institute 90-day detention without charge or trial and such a detention could easily be renewed. A who's-who of the political opposition emerges from those who spent years in PIDE prisons or were frequently arrested without charge. The PIDE remained numerous and well-funded into 1974, when the Revolution of 25 April 1974 overthrew the regime and abolished it. A major question remains: If this police knew much about the Armed Forces Movement coup conspiracy, why was it so ineffective in arresting known leaders and squashing the plot?

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > PIDE

  • 9 Health

       Although public health has improved considerably in the past two decades, and there has been a greater rate of improvement in this area since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, severe public health problems continue to plague Portugal. The death rate has decreased and life expectancy has increased (in 1989-90, life expectancy was about 71 for males and 78 for females, and by 2000 this had increased), but public health problems in Portugal continue to be severe; statistics especially in rural Portugal were typical of many poor countries. Recent improvements in the health picture include an improved medical educational system, better medical technology, and an increased number of doctors and medical personnel. There has also been some increase in the number of hospitals (in 1975, there were 229 hospitals and, in 1990, 239) and the number of beds available for patients. Basic health knowledge in the general population, however, remains low, especially in rural areas. Traditionally, medical resources continue to be most available in the major cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra.
       Along with increased migration from Portugal's former colonies and with European Union membership and its concomitant freer traffic across land frontiers, there has been an increase in the numbers of human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency (HIV/AIDS) cases. Although not on the scale of some other Western European or North African countries, Portugal's HIV/AIDS situation has aroused national concern.
       An important sign of improving health care is that, as more women enter professional fields, more women choose to become doctors. Observers note that public health and medical improvements remain closely linked to reforms in education and better living conditions in both urban and rural areas where substandard housing, sanitation facilities, hygiene, and clean water supplies remain persistent problems.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Health

  • 10 public financing

    1. государственное финансирование

     

    государственное финансирование

    [ http://www.eionet.europa.eu/gemet/alphabetic?langcode=en]

    EN

    public financing
    The act of obtaining or furnishing money or capital for a program, purchase or enterprise from the general population of a community or state, usually through government allocation of tax revenues. (Source: RHW)
    [http://www.eionet.europa.eu/gemet/alphabetic?langcode=en]

    Тематики

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    DE

    FR

    Англо-русский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > public financing

  • 11 public awareness campaign

    1. информационная кампания по оповещению общественности

     

    информационная кампания по оповещению общественности

    [ http://www.eionet.europa.eu/gemet/alphabetic?langcode=en]

    EN

    public awareness campaign
    An organized, systematic effort through various communications media to alert the general population of a given area to anything of significant interest or concern. (Source: RHW)
    [http://www.eionet.europa.eu/gemet/alphabetic?langcode=en]

    Тематики

    EN

    DE

    FR

    Англо-русский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > public awareness campaign

  • 12 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 13 public

    public ['pʌblɪk]
    (a) (of, by the state → education, debt) public;
    built at public expense construit aux frais du contribuable;
    to hold public office avoir des fonctions officielles
    (b) (open or accessible to all → place, meeting) public;
    was it a public trial? le public pouvait-il assister au procès?;
    let's talk somewhere less public allons discuter dans un endroit plus tranquille;
    these gardens are public property! ces jardins appartiennent à tout le monde!
    (c) (of, by the people) public;
    the public interest or good le bien ou l'intérêt m public;
    in the public interest dans l'intérêt du public;
    public interest in the matter was flagging le public manifestait de moins en moins d'intérêt pour cette affaire;
    to make a public protest protester publiquement;
    the increase in crime is generating great public concern la montée de la criminalité inquiète sérieusement la population;
    to restore public confidence regagner la confiance de la population;
    to be in the British public or American public's eye être très en vue;
    to disappear from the British public or American public's eye tomber dans les oubliettes;
    a public outcry un tollé général;
    it created a public scandal ça a provoqué un scandale retentissant;
    public awareness of the problem has increased le public est plus sensible au problème maintenant;
    the bill has public support l'opinion publique est favorable au projet de loi
    (d) (publicly known, open) public;
    to make sth public rendre qch public;
    to make a public appearance paraître en public;
    to go into public life se lancer dans les affaires publiques;
    she's active in public life elle prend une part active aux affaires publiques;
    the contrast between his public and his private life le contraste entre sa vie publique et sa vie privée;
    his first public statement sa première déclaration publique;
    he made a public denial of the rumours il a démenti publiquement les rumeurs, il a apporté un démenti public aux rumeurs;
    it's public knowledge that… il est de notoriété publique que…
    to go public (company) s'introduire en Bourse; (reveal information) tout dire ou raconter;
    the company is going public la société va être cotée en Bourse;
    to go public with the story raconter toute l'histoire
    3 noun
    public m;
    the (general) public le (grand) public;
    in public en public, publiquement;
    the public is or are tired of political scandals la population est lasse des scandales politiques;
    Finance to issue shares to the public placer des actions dans le public;
    her books reach a wide public ses livres touchent un public très large;
    the movie-going public les amateurs de ou les gens qui vont au cinéma;
    the viewing public les téléspectateurs;
    your public awaits or await you votre public vous attend
    en public
    ►► American Television public access channel = chaîne du réseau câblé sur laquelle des particuliers peuvent diffuser leurs propres émissions;
    American Television public access television = chaînes télévisées câblées non commerciales;
    public affairs affaires fpl publiques;
    American public assistance aide f sociale;
    public authorities pouvoirs mpl publics;
    British public bar salle f de bar (dans un "pub" qui contient deux bars séparés, l'expression désigne le plus populaire des deux);
    public baths bains mpl publics;
    British Politics public bill projet m de loi d'intérêt général;
    public body corporation f de droit public;
    British public call box cabine f (téléphonique) publique;
    public company société f anonyme;
    British public convenience toilettes fpl publiques;
    British & French Canadian public corporation entreprise f publique;
    Finance public debt dette f publique ou de l'État;
    American Law public defender avocat m commis d'office;
    Finance public deposits = avoirs des différents services du gouvernement britannique à la Banque d'Angleterre;
    public domain domaine m public;
    to be in the public domain (publication) être dans le domaine public;
    Computing public domain software logiciel m (du domaine) public, French Canadian publiciel m;
    public enemy ennemi m public;
    public enemy number one ennemi m public numéro un;
    Finance public enterprise (company) entreprise f publique;
    public examination examen m national de l'enseignement public;
    public expenditure dépenses fpl publiques;
    public figure personnalité f très en vue;
    public finance finances fpl publiques;
    British public footpath sentier m public;
    public funds fonds mpl publics;
    public gallery tribune f réservée au public;
    public health santé f publique;
    the public health authorities = administration régionale des services publics de santé;
    public health clinic centre m d'hygiène publique;
    public health hazard risque m pour la santé publique;
    old-fashioned public health inspector inspecteur(trice) m,f sanitaire;
    public health official représentant(e) m,f de la santé publique;
    public holiday jour m férié, fête f légale;
    public house British (pub) pub m, bar m; American (inn) auberge f;
    American public housing logements mpl sociaux, HLM f inv;
    American Public Housing Administration = services du logement social aux États-Unis;
    American public housing project cité f HLM;
    Law public indecency outrage m public à la pudeur;
    to be arrested for public indecency se faire arrêter pour outrage public à la pudeur;
    public inquiry enquête f officielle;
    to hold a public inquiry faire une enquête officielle;
    British public lavatory toilettes fpl publiques;
    public law droit m public;
    public lending right = droits que touche un auteur ou un éditeur pour le prêt de ses livres en bibliothèque;
    public liability responsabilité f civile;
    public liability insurance assurance f responsabilité civile;
    public library bibliothèque f municipale;
    public limited company société f anonyme;
    public loan emprunt m public;
    public money deniers mpl ou fonds mpl publics;
    public monies deniers mpl de l'État;
    public nuisance (person) fléau m public, empoisonneur(euse) m,f;
    the pub's late opening hours were creating a public nuisance (act) les heures d'ouverture tardives du pub portaient atteinte à la tranquillité générale;
    Stock Exchange public offering offre f publique;
    public official fonctionnaire mf;
    public opinion opinion f publique;
    public opinion poll sondage m (d'opinion);
    public ownership nationalisation f, étatisation f;
    most airports are under public ownership la plupart des aéroports appartiennent à l'État;
    public park jardin m public;
    Law public prosecutor procureur m général, ministère m public;
    British the public purse le Trésor (public);
    British Public Record Office Archives fpl nationales;
    public relations relations fpl publiques;
    giving them a free meal was great public relations en leur offrant le repas, nous avons fait un excellent travail de relations publiques;
    public relations agency, public relations consultancy agence f conseil en communication;
    public relations consultant conseil m en relations publiques, conseil m en communication;
    public relations exercise opération f de relations publiques;
    it was a good public relations exercise ce fut une réussite pour ce qui est des relations publiques;
    public relations manager directeur(trice) m,f des relations publiques;
    public relations officer responsable mf des relations publiques;
    public room (in hotel, institution) salle f de réception; Scottish (in house) salon m;
    public school (in UK) public school f, école f privée (prestigieuse); (in US) école f publique;
    British public schoolboy = élève d'une "public school";
    British public schoolgirl = élève d'une "public school";
    public sector secteur m publique;
    British Finance public sector borrowing requirement = besoins d'emprunt du secteur public non couverts par les rentrées fiscales;
    Finance public sector deficit déficit m du secteur public;
    Finance public sector earnings revenus mpl du secteur public;
    public servant fonctionnaire mf;
    public service (amenity) service m public ou d'intérêt général; British (civil service) fonction f publique;
    she's in public service elle est fonctionnaire;
    Administration our organization performs a public service notre association assure un service d'intérêt général;
    Stock Exchange public share offer offre f publique de vente;
    public speaker orateur(trice) m,f;
    he's a very good public speaker c'est un excellent orateur;
    public speaking art m oratoire;
    humorous unaccustomed as I am to public speaking bien que je n'aie pas l'habitude de prendre la parole en public;
    School public speaking contest concours m d'éloquence;
    Finance public spending (UNCOUNT) dépenses fpl publiques ou de l'État;
    public spirit sens m civique, civisme m;
    American public television (télévision f du) service m public;
    public transport (UNCOUNT) transports mpl en commun;
    he went by public transport (bus) il est allé en bus; (train) il est allé en train;
    public transport users usagers mpl des transports en commun;
    public utility American (company) = société privée assurant un service public et réglementée par une commission d'État; British (amenity) service m public;
    British public utility company société f d'utilité publique;
    public works travaux mpl publics
    PUBLIC ACCESS TELEVISION Aux États-Unis, on appelle "public access television" les chaînes télévisées câblées non commerciales mises à la disposition d'organisations à but non lucratif et des citoyens. En 1984, le Congrès adopta le "Cable Communications Policy Act" afin de faire face au problème de la monopolisation des chaînes par un nombre réduit de cablo-opérateurs. Cette loi exige des propriétaires de chaînes câblées qu'ils mettent une chaîne à la disposition des communautés locales ainsi qu'un studio et du matériel d'enregistrement, et qu'ils fournissent également une assistance technique si nécessaire.
    PUBLIC SCHOOL En Angleterre et au pays de Galles, le terme "public school" désigne une école privée de type traditionnel. Certaines de ces écoles (Eton et Harrow, par exemple) sont très prestigieuses et élitistes. Les "public schools" sont censées former l'élite de la nation. Aux États-Unis et parfois en Écosse, le terme désigne une école publique.

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > public

  • 14 large

    large [lα:dʒ]
    grand ; [dose] fort ; [sum, share, group] important ; [family, crowd] nombreux
    to grow large(r) [stomach] grossir ; [population, overdraft] augmenter
    the large size (of packet, tube) le grand modèle
    2. noun
    at large ( = at liberty) en liberté ; (US) [candidate, congressman] non rattaché à une circonscription électorale
    the country/population at large ( = as a whole) le pays/la population dans son ensemble
    large-scale adjective [map, production, attack, operation] à grande échelle ; [unrest] général ; [reforms] de grande ampleur
    * * *
    [lɑːdʒ] 1.
    1) ( big) [area, car, feet, house] grand (before n); [appetite, piece, nose] gros/grosse (before n)
    2) ( substantial) [amount] important, gros/grosse (before n); [part] gros/grosse (before n); [number, quantity] grand (before n); [population] fort (before n), important; [crowd, family] nombreux/-euse (after n)
    3) ( fat) [person] gros/grosse (before n)
    2.
    at large adjectival phrase
    1) ( free) [prisoner] en liberté
    2) ( in general) [society, population] en général, dans son ensemble
    ••

    English-French dictionary > large

  • 15 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 16 election

    n

    to accept an election — соглашаться с избранием; принимать избрание

    to ban smb from covering the election — запрещать кому-л. освещать ход выборов

    to ban smb from participating in the election — запрещать кому-л. участвовать в выборах

    to bar smb from election — не допускать кого-л. к участию в выборах

    to be well placed to win the next general election — занимать хорошие позиции для того, чтобы победить на следующих всеобщих выборах

    to bode ill for next year's election — служить плохим предзнаменованием для выборов, которые состоятся на будущий год

    to bring the election forward — приближать дату проведения выборов; проводить выборы досрочно

    to call an election — назначать / объявлять выборы

    to call off / to cancel election — отменять выборы

    to carry out one's election pledges — выполнять предвыборные обещания

    to congratulate smb on his / her election — поздравлять кого-л. с избранием

    to disqualify smb from taking part in the general election — лишать кого-л. права участвовать во всеобщих выборах

    to fulfil one's election pledges — выполнять предвыборные обещания

    to give a guarded welcome to smb's election — сдержанно приветствовать чье-л. избрание

    to hold election under one's own terms — проводить выборы на своих условиях

    to lose an election by a margin of the five seats — проигрывать выборы, получив на пять мест меньше соперника

    to nominate smb for election — выдвигать чью-л. кандидатуру

    to put oneself forward / up for election — выставлять свою кандидатуру на выборах

    to schedule election for January — намечать / планировать выборы на январь

    to stand against a party in electionвыступать против какой-л. партии на выборах

    to stand for election — баллотироваться на выборах, выставлять свою кандидатуру

    - aftermath of an election
    - alleged irregularities during the election
    - all-out election
    - all-race election
    - annulment of the election
    - apartheid election
    - assessment of the election outcome
    - bitterly contested election
    - bread-and-butter election
    - call for free election
    - cancellation of the election
    - cantonal election
    - close election
    - comfortable election
    - coming election
    - competitive election
    - conclusion of the election
    - Congressional election
    - consequences of the election
    - contested election
    - contribution to the election
    - controversial election
    - council election
    - counting continued in local government election
    - crucial election
    - defeat at an election
    - deferment of election
    - democratic election
    - direct election for the presidency
    - disputed election
    - disruption of election
    - early election
    - election by proportional representation
    - election comes amid increasing tension
    - election goes into a second round
    - election has continued into its second unscheduled day
    - election has entered its final stages
    - election held several months ahead of schedule
    - election is far from straightforward
    - election on a factory and enterprise basis
    - election on a population basis
    - election saw violence
    - election seems to be in the bag for smb
    - election was a farce
    - election was a neck and neck race
    - election was conducted peacefully
    - election was successful
    - election will be about deciding...
    - election will go ahead as scheduled
    - election will result in a victory for...
    - elections are a day away
    - elections are being held throughout the country
    - elections are due
    - elections to an assembly
    - Euro-election
    - fair election
    - federal election
    - fiercely fought election
    - forthcoming election
    - free election
    - full election
    - general election
    - genuine election
    - gubernatorial election
    - hell-bent for election
    - his election is already assured
    - honest election
    - if the next election goes against them
    - illegitimate election
    - impending election
    - inconclusive election
    - issue in the election
    - leadership election
    - legislative election
    - local council election
    - local election
    - local government election
    - low turnout for the election
    - mayoral election
    - midterm election
    - mock election
    - multiracial election
    - national election
    - national legislative election
    - new-style election
    - nonracial election
    - nullification of the election
    - off-year election
    - open election
    - orderly conduct of an election
    - outcome of the election
    - outright winner in an election
    - parliamentary election
    - party eligible to stand in the election
    - party's poor showing in the election
    - popular election
    - presidential election
    - pre-term election
    - prompt election
    - provincial election
    - racially segregated election
    - rehearsal for a general election
    - re-run of election
    - rigged election
    - rigged-up election
    - rigging of election
    - right to vote in the election
    - run-off election
    - run-up to the election
    - semi-free election
    - sham election
    - smb is well on course to win the general election
    - special election
    - staged election
    - statute of election
    - stealing of election
    - strong showing in an election
    - tainted election
    - that could lose them the election
    - the first round of election has ended inconclusively
    - the scene is set for presidential election
    - there is no clear outcome of the election
    - this side of the general election
    - tough election
    - two-stage election
    - unofficial results in the election
    - upcoming election
    - valid election
    - war-torn election
    - watershed election
    - winning the election was the easy bit
    - with the election looking in the country
    - writ for a general election

    Politics english-russian dictionary > election

  • 17 rank

    I 1. [ræŋk] noun
    1) (a line or row (especially of soldiers or taxis): The officer ordered the front rank to fire.) fila
    2) ((in the army, navy etc) a person's position of importance: He was promoted to the rank of sergeant/colonel.) posto
    3) (a social class: the lower social ranks.) classe
    2. verb
    (to have, or give, a place in a group, according to importance: I would rank him among our greatest writers; Apes rank above dogs in intelligence.) classificar(-se)
    II [ræŋk] adjective
    1) (complete; absolute: rank stupidity; The race was won by a rank outsider.) completo
    2) (unpleasantly stale and strong: a rank smell of tobacco.) rançoso
    * * *
    rank1
    [ræŋk] n 1 linha, fila, fileira. 2 grau, graduação, posto. 3 ordem, classe, série. 4 qualidade, distinção, posição, dignidade, categoria. • vt+vi 1 enfileirar. 2 tomar posição. 3 ter certo grau ou posição. 4 pôr em ordem, classificar, colocar por graus. 5 superar (em grau ou classe), preceder. the general ranks a captain / o general precede um capitão. 6 avaliar, estimar, dar certo grau. 7 sl entregar, delatar. a man of rank um homem de posição. in the first rank na primeira ordem ou classe. rank and fashion gente da alta sociedade. rank and file a) soldados rasos. b) gente comum. rank of general grau ou posto de general. the rank a tropa, o exército. to break rank ( soldiers) ficar fora de forma. to keep rank ( soldiers) ficar em forma. to pull one’s rank abusar da autoridade, trazer num cortado. to rank first figurar em primeiro lugar. to rank the cities for population classificar as cidades por população. to take rank of ter precedência sobre. to take rank with enfileirar-se.
    ————————
    rank2
    [ræŋk] adj 1 alto e áspero, espesso. 2 viçoso, florescente, luxuriante. 3 rico, fértil (de terras). 4 rançoso, malcheiroso, de mau gosto. 5 completo, extremo, rematado (em sentido desfavorável). 6 grosseiro, ordinário, indecente. rank ingratitude extrema ingratidão.

    English-Portuguese dictionary > rank

  • 18 popular

    adjective
    1) (well liked) beliebt; populär [Entscheidung, Maßnahme]

    he was a very popular choicemit ihm hatte man sich für einen sehr beliebten od. populären Mann entschieden

    2) (suited to the public) volkstümlich; populär (geh.)

    popular newspaper — Massenblatt, das

    3) (prevalent) landläufig; allgemein [Unzufriedenheit]
    4) (of the people) Volks-; verbreitet [Aberglaube, Irrtum, Meinung]; allgemein [Wahl, Zustimmung, Unterstützung]
    * * *
    ['popjulə]
    1) (liked by most people: a popular holiday resort; a popular person; She is very popular with children.) beliebt
    2) (believed by most people: a popular theory.) weitverbreitet
    3) (of the people in general: popular rejoicing.) Volks-...
    4) (easily read, understood etc by most people: a popular history of Britain.) gemeinverständlich
    - academic.ru/56818/popularly">popularly
    - popularity
    - popularize
    - popularise
    * * *
    popu·lar
    [ˈpɒpjələʳ, AM ˈpɑ:pjəlɚ]
    adj inv
    1. (widely liked) beliebt, populär
    the new scheme has proved enormously \popular das neue System kommt sehr gut an
    you won't be very \popular if you burn the sausages du wirst dich nicht grade beliebt machen, wenn du die Würstchen verbrennst; ( iron hum)
    I bet you were \popular when your parents got their phone bill! ich wette, deine Eltern haben sich sehr bei dir bedankt, als sie ihre Telefonrechnung gesehen haben! iron hum
    to be \popular with sb bei jdm beliebt sein
    a \popular brand eine beliebte [o bekannte] Marke
    2. attr (not high-brow) populär
    \popular music Unterhaltungsmusik f
    the \popular press die Massenmedien pl
    \popular science Populärwissenschaft f
    3. attr (widespread) weit verbreitet, allgemein verbreitet
    it is a \popular belief that... viele glauben, dass...
    a \popular saying ein geflügeltes Wort
    4. attr (of the people) Volks-
    the socialists can no longer be sure of the \popular vote die Sozialisten können sich nicht mehr auf die Unterstützung der breiten Massen verlassen
    by \popular request auf allgemeinen Wunsch
    \popular revolt [or uprising] Volksaufstand m, Massenunruhen pl
    \popular support Unterstützung f durch breite Schichten der Bevölkerung
    * * *
    ['pɒpjʊlə(r)]
    adj
    1) (= well-liked) beliebt (with bei); (with the public) populär, beliebt (with bei); decision, measure populär

    I know I won't be popular if I decide that, but... — ich weiß, dass ich mich nicht gerade beliebt mache, wenn ich so entscheide, aber...

    he's not the most popular of men at the momenter ist im Augenblick nicht gerade einer der Beliebtesten or (with the public also) Populärsten

    he was a very popular choiceseine Wahl fand großen Anklang

    2) (= suitable for the general public) populär; music leicht; prices erschwinglich; lectures, journal populärwissenschaftlich; television, entertainer populär, beliebt; newspaper weitverbreitet

    popular theatreVolkstheater nt, Boulevardtheater nt

    3) (= widespread) belief, fallacy, conviction, discontent, myth weitverbreitet, weit verbreitet

    it's popular to despise politicians these dayses gehört heutzutage zum guten Ton, sich über Politiker abfällig zu äußern

    4) (POL) (= of or for the people) government, approval, consent, support des Volkes; (= democratic, public) vote öffentlich, allgemein; referendum öffentlich, offen, allgemein; demand groß, allgemein; democracy allgemein

    he isn't the popular idea of a great leader to rule by popular consent — er entspricht nicht gerade der gängigen Vorstellung von einem großen Führer mit Zustimmung der Allgemeinheit regieren

    * * *
    popular [ˈpɒpjʊlə; US ˈpɑpjələr]
    A adj (adv popularly)
    1. Volks…:
    popular front POL Volksfront f;
    popular government Volksherrschaft f;
    popular uprising Volksaufstand m;
    the popular voice die Stimme des Volkes
    2. allgemein, weitverbreitet (Irrtum, Unzufriedenheit etc)
    3. populär, (allgemein) beliebt ( beide:
    with bei):
    make o.s. popular with sich bei jemandem beliebt machen;
    be very popular sich großer Beliebtheit erfreuen;
    be popular with bei jemandem gut angeschrieben sein;
    the popular hero der Held des Tages;
    popular taste Publikumsgeschmack m
    4. a) populär, volkstümlich
    b) allgemein oder leicht verständlich, Populär…:
    popular etymology LING Volksetymologie f;
    popular magazine populäre Zeitschrift;
    popular music volkstümliche Musik;
    popular newspaper Boulevardblatt n, -zeitung f;
    popular press Boulevardpresse f;
    popular science Populärwissenschaft f;
    popular writer Volksschriftsteller(in)
    5. volkstümlich, (für jeden) erschwinglich:
    popular edition Volksausgabe f;
    popular prices volkstümliche Preise
    B spl populars Boulevardpresse f
    pop. abk
    1. popular (popularly)
    2. population Bev.
    * * *
    adjective
    1) (well liked) beliebt; populär [Entscheidung, Maßnahme]
    2) (suited to the public) volkstümlich; populär (geh.)

    popular newspaper — Massenblatt, das

    3) (prevalent) landläufig; allgemein [Unzufriedenheit]
    4) (of the people) Volks-; verbreitet [Aberglaube, Irrtum, Meinung]; allgemein [Wahl, Zustimmung, Unterstützung]
    * * *
    adj.
    beliebt adj.
    populär adj.
    volkstümlich adj.

    English-german dictionary > popular

  • 19 EXPO '98

       Portugal's world's fair, held from May to October 1998, set in Lisbon. Designed to commemorate and celebrate the 500th anniversary of Vasco da Gama's 1498 discovery of an all-water route to India, this was an ambitious undertaking for a small country with a developing economy. The setting of the exposition was remote eastern Lisbon, along the banks of the Tagus estuary. To facilitate logistics, Portugal opened a new Metro station (Oriente) for the Expo and the new Vasco da Gama Bridge, just northeast of the site. More than 10 million visitors, many of them from abroad but a large proportion from Spain and Portugal, arrived at the site by Metro, bus, taxi, or car and were guided by signs in three languages: Portuguese, Spanish, and English. To the dismay of Francophones, the choice of English and Spanish reflected both the nature of the globalization process and Portugal's growing connections with Europe and the wider world.
       The theme of Expo '98 was "The Oceans, Heritage for the Future," and the official mascot-symbol was "Gil," a cartoon characterization of a drop of ocean water, based on the suggestion of schoolchildren from the small town of Barrancos. Somewhat in the spirit of Disney's Mickey Mouse, "Gil" reflected cheeriness, but his message was serious, alerting the public to the fact that the oceans were endangered and fresh drinking water increasingly in short supply for a burgeoning world population. Among the outstanding structures at Expo '98 was the Pavilion of Portugal, designed by Portuguese architect Álvaro Siza Vieira, and the Pavilion of the Oceans or the Oceanarium (which remained open to the public after the exposition closed), which was designed by an American architect.
       Despite the general success of the fair, critics gave mixed reviews to the historic commemoration of the Discoveries facets of the effort. No vessel from Vasco da Gama's 1497-99 famous voyage was reproduced at the fair's dockside exhibit—although there was a 19th-century sailing vessel and a reproduction of one of the vessels from Christopher Columbus's first voyage, constructed by Portuguese in Madeira—nor was there much else on Vasco da Gama in the Pavilion of Portugal. Instead, visitors were impressed with a multimedia show based on knowledge of a Portuguese shipwreck, a 17th-century nau, found by archaeologists in recent years. The sound and light show in this lovely space was magnificent. The most popular exhibits were the Oceanarium and the Utopia Pavilion, where lines could be hours long. Despite the fact that Expo '98 made only a weak effort to attract visitors from outside Europe, the general consensus was that it was a successful enterprise, unique in Portugal's record of historic and contemporary expositions since 1940.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > EXPO '98

  • 20 wellbeing

    wellbeing [‚wel'bi:ɪŋ]
    bien-être m inv;
    the general wellbeing of the population le bien-être général de la population;
    he felt a sense of wellbeing il éprouvait une impression de bien-être;
    for your own wellbeing pour votre bien

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > wellbeing

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